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Nickdfresh
01-03-2005, 10:28 AM
60 Minutes (http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2004/11/12/60minutes/main655407.shtml)

Bin Laden Expert Steps Forward

Nov. 14, 2004



Ex-CIA Agent Sizes Up Osama


"Until we respect him, we are going to die in numbers that are probably unnecessary," says Michael Scheuer, who created a secret CIA unit for tracking and eliminating Osama bin Laden. (Photo: CBS)


(CBS) One of the Central Intelligence Agency's foremost experts on Osama bin Laden has stepped out of the shadows and joined the public debate over past mistakes and future strategy in the war on terror.

Michael Scheuer is the senior intelligence analyst who created and advised a secret CIA unit for tracking and eliminating bin Laden since 1996. He's also been at the center of a battle between the CIA and the White House over Mideast policy and the war on terror.

What is new for Scheuer - who resigned from the intelligence agency on Friday after 22 years - is commenting by name. This summer, he authored a book, "Imperial Hubris: Why the West is Losing the War on Terror," under the pen name Anonymous.

The book, written with the CIA's blessing, is critical of the Bush administration's counterterrorism policy, and was viewed by some at the White House as a thinly veiled attempt by the CIA to undermine the president's reelection.

In his first television interview, Scheuer talked to Correspondent Steve Kroft about his frustrations in the war on terror and his assessment of bin Laden's plans - including the al Qaeda founder's interest in nuclear weapons.
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Former CIA agent Michael Scheuer spoke to 60 Minutes in his first television interview out of the shadows.

After a 22-year career as a spy charged with keeping secrets, Scheuer decided it was more important to join the public debate on how to best attack Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda.

"His genius lies in his ability to isolate a few American policies that are widely hated across the Muslim world. And that growing hatred is going to yield growing violence," says Scheuer. "Our leaders continue to say that we're making strong headway against this problem. And I think we are not."

In 1996, at a time when little was known about the wealthy Saudi, other than he was suspected of financing terrorism, Scheuer was assigned to create a bin Laden desk at the CIA.

"The uniqueness of the unit was more or less that it was focused on a single individual. It was really the first time the agency had done that sort of effort," says Scheuer.

Did he try to figure out where bin Laden was? "Where he was, where his cells were, where his logistical channels were," says Scheuer. "How he communicated. Who his allies were. Who donated to them... I think it's fair to say the entire range of sources were brought to bear."

Codenamed "Alec," the unit was originally made up of about a dozen agents. And in less than a year, they discovered that bin Laden was more than some wealthy Saudi throwing his money around - and that his organization, known as al Qaeda, was not a Muslim charity.

"We had found that he and al Qaeda were involved in an extraordinarily sophisticated and professional effort to acquire weapons of mass destruction. In this case, nuclear material, so by the end of 1996, it was clear that this was an organization unlike any other one we had ever seen," says Scheuer.
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Scheuer says his bosses at the CIA were initially skeptical of that information. And that was just the beginning of his frustrations.

In a letter to the House and Senate Intelligence Committees earlier this year, Scheuer says his agents provided the U.S. government with about ten opportunities to capture bin Laden before Sept. 11, and that all of them were rejected.

One of the last proposals, which he described to the 9/11 Commission in a closed-door session, involved a cruise missile attack against a remote hunting camp in the Afghan desert, where bin Laden was believed to be socializing with members of the royal family from the United Arab Emirates.

Scheuer wanted to level the entire camp. "The world is lousy with Arab princes," says Scheuer. "And if we could have got Osama bin Laden, and saved at some point down the road 3,000 American lives, a few less Arab princes would have been OK in my book."

"You couldn't have done this without killing an Arab prince," asks Kroft.

"Probably not. Sister Virginia used to say, 'You'll be known by the company you keep.' That if those princes were out there eating goat with Osama bin Laden, then maybe they were there for nefarious reasons. But nonetheless, they would have been the price of battle."

And that doesn't bother him? "Not a lick," says Scheuer.

"My understanding is you had a reputation within the CIA as being fairly obsessive about this subject," says Kroft. "I dislike obsessive," says Scheuer. "I think hard-headed about it."

Whatever you call it, in 1999, three years after he started the bin Laden unit, Scheuer's candor got him into trouble with his supervisors at the CIA. What were the circumstances under which he left the bin Laden unit?

"I think I became too insistent that we were not pursuing this target with enough vigor and with enough risk-taking - - an unwillingness to take risks," says Scheuer. "I got relieved of the position I was in. I had a lovely sojourn in the library and then had other sojourns since."

His exile ended shortly after the attacks of Sept. 11, when he was brought back to the bin Laden unit as a special adviser. But by then, everything had changed.

His nemesis had gone underground, and the United States was on its way to invading Afghanistan and Iraq - creating, Scheuer says, the perception in the minds of 1.3 billion Muslims that America had gone to war against Islam.

"The war in Iraq - if Osama was a Christian - it's the Christmas present he never would have expected," says Scheuer.
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Right or wrong, he says Muslims are beginning to view the United States as a colonial power with Israel as its surrogate, and with a military presence in three of the holiest places in Islam: the Arabian peninsula, Iraq, and Jerusalem. And he says it is time to review and debate American policy in the region, even our relationship with Israel.

"No one wants to abandon the Israelis. But I think the perception is, and I think it's probably an accurate perception, that the tail is leading the dog - that we are giving the Israelis carte blanche ability to exercise whatever they want to do in their area," says Scheuer. "And if that's what the American people want, then that's what the policy should be, of course. But the idea that anything in the United States is too sensitive to discuss or too dangerous to discuss is really, I think, absurd."

Is he talking about appeasement?

"I'm not talking about appeasement. There's no way out of this war at the moment," says Scheuer. "It's not a choice between war and peace. It's a choice between war and endless war. It's not appeasement. I think it's better even to call it American self-interest."

Scheuer believes that al Qaeda is no longer just a terrorist organization that can be defeated by killing or capturing its leaders. Now, he says it's a global insurgency that's spreading revolutionary fervor throughout the Muslim world.

"Bin Laden's still at large. His most recent speech, I think, demonstrates that he's not running rock to rock, cave to cave. We are tangled in a very significant Islamic insurgency in Iraq," says Scheuer.

"Most dramatically, and perhaps least noticed, is the violence inside Saudi Arabia itself. Saudi Arabia was, until just a few years ago, probably one of the most safe countries on earth. And now the paper is daily full of activities and shootouts between Islamists who supported Osama bin Laden and the government there."

But if bin Laden is much stronger than he was, why haven't there been more attacks on the United States?

"One of the great intellectual failures of the American intelligence community, and especially the counterterrorism community, is to assume if someone hasn't attacked us, it's because he can't or because we've defeated him," says Scheuer. "Bin Laden has consistently shown himself to be immune to outside pressure. When he wants to do something, he does it on his own schedule."

"You've written no one should be surprised when Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda detonate a weapon of mass destruction in the United States," says Kroft. "You believe that's going to happen?"

"I don't believe in inevitability. But I think it's pretty close to being inevitable," says Scheuer.

A nuclear weapon? "A nuclear weapon of some dimension, whether it's actually a nuclear weapon, or a dirty bomb, or some kind of radiological device," says Scheuer. "Yes, I think it's probably a near thing."

What evidence is there that bin Laden's actually working to do this? "He's told us it. Bin Laden is remarkably eager for Americans to know why he doesn't like us, what he intends to do about it and then following up and doing something about it in terms of military actions," says Scheuer. "He's told us that, 'We are going to acquire a weapon of mass destruction, and if we acquire it, we will use it.'"
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After Sept. 11, Scheuer says bin Laden was criticized by Muslim clerics for launching such a serious attack without sufficient warning. That has now been given. And he says bin Laden has even obtained a fatwa, or Islamic decree, justifying a nuclear attack against the United States on religious grounds.

"He secured from a Saudi sheik named Hamid bin Fahd a rather long treatise on the possibility of using nuclear weapons against the Americans. Specifically, nuclear weapons," says Scheuer. "And the treatise found that he was perfectly within his rights to use them. Muslims argue that the United States is responsible for millions of dead Muslims around the world, so reciprocity would mean you could kill millions of Americans."

Scheuer says the fatwa was issued in May 2003, "and that's another thing that doesn't come to the attention of the American people."

Despite this threat, Scheuer insists the CIA doesn't have nearly enough trained analysts working on the Osama bin Laden unit today. At a time when Congress is considering revolutionary changes in the way the intelligence community is organized, Scheuer sees no major problems with the CIA or the product it produces.

He blames Sept. 11 on poor leadership from people like former CIA Director George Tenet, his chief deputy, Jim Pavitt, and former White House counterterrorism czar Richard Clarke, who were invited, but declined, to appear on Sunday's 60 Minutes.

"Richard Clarke has said that you're really sort of a hothead, a middle manager who really didn't go to any of the cabinet meetings in which important things were discussed, and that basically you were just uninformed," says Kroft.

"I certainly agree with the fact that I didn't go to the cabinet meetings. But I'm certainly also aware that I'm much better informed than Mr. Clarke ever was about the nature of the intelligence that was available again Osama bin Laden and which was consistently denigrated by himself and Mr. Tenet," says Scheuer.

"I think Mr. Clarke had a tendency to interfere too much with the activities of the CIA, and our leadership at the senior level let him interfere too much," says Scheuer. "So criticism from him I kind of wear as a badge of honor."

Is there anything about bin Laden that Americans don't know, but should? "Yeah, I think there is. I think our leaders over the last decade have done the American people a disservice in continuing to characterize Osama bin Laden as a thug, as a gangster, as a degenerate personality, as some kind of abhorrent individual," says Scheuer.

"He surely does reprehensible activities, and we should surely take care of that by killing him as soon as we can. But he's not an irrational man. He's a very worthy enemy. He's an enemy to worry about."

"You wrote in your book that he's a great man," says Kroft.

"Yes, certainly a man, without the connotation good or bad, he's a great man in the sense that he's influenced the course of history," says Scheuer.

Does he respect bin Laden? "Until we respect him, we are going to die in numbers that are probably unnecessary," says Scheuer.



© MMIV, CBS Worldwide Inc. All Rights Reserved.

"Imperial Hubris: Why the West is Losing the War on Terror"

Nickdfresh
01-03-2005, 03:04 PM
What's the matter, this article too LONG and have too many BIG WORDS in it?

ODShowtime
01-03-2005, 07:31 PM
We are gonna get one soon. The cons with any brains know this.

Nickdfresh
03-01-2006, 09:14 AM
October 4, 2004
Imperial Hubris
A CIA analyst reveals why we are losing the 'war on terrorism'
by Justin Raimondo

In his scathing indictment of the Bush administration's policies in the "war on terrorism," Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry twice made a telling point during the debate on national security matters, one that drove home the Bushies' incompetence with deadly accuracy. In detailing how many former military figures have endorsed his bid to become commander-in-chief, Kerry averred that "they know I would not take my eye off of the goal: Osama bin Laden. Unfortunately," he continued,

"He escaped in the mountains of Tora Bora. We had him surrounded. But we didn't use American forces, the best trained in the world, to go kill him. The president relied on Afghan warlords and he outsourced that job too. That's wrong."

Kerry made the same point a few minutes later, elaborating on it to lethal effect:

"Saddam Hussein didn't attack us. Osama bin Laden attacked us. Al Qaida attacked us. And when we had Osama bin Laden cornered in the mountains of Tora Bora, 1,000 of his cohorts with him in those mountains. With the American military forces nearby and in the field, we didn't use the best trained troops in the world to go kill the world's number one criminal and terrorist.

"They outsourced the job to Afghan warlords, who only a week earlier had been on the other side fighting against us, neither of whom trusted each other.

"That's the enemy that attacked us. That's the enemy that was allowed to walk out of those mountains. That's the enemy that is now in 60 countries, with stronger recruits."

When I heard this, my ears pricked up: Kerry was taking a page from Michael Scheuer's recently published book, Imperial Hubris: Why the West is Losing the War on Terrorism, which lamented the lost opportunity afforded us in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 attacks to deliver a smashing blow to al-Qaeda:

"While the 11 September attack was a human-economic calamity, Washington's failure to have its military ready for a crippling next-day attack on al-Qaeda turned it into catastrophe. It cost America its best – perhaps only – chance to deliver what is called a 'decapitation' operation, one with a chance to kill at a stroke many al-Qaeda and Taleban leaders."

The author of Imperial Hubris bitterly and repeatedly drives this point home, throughout his wide-ranging and brilliant book: a book that, I would argue, is the single most important and perceptive volume on the subject of the "war on terrorism" yet published. In 263 pages of text, Scheuer, a currently serving CIA analyst writing as "Anonymous," takes apart the shibboleths promulgated by this administration as it fights a war in which the enemy is misperceived, underestimated, and – ultimately – enhanced by our actions.

The startling thesis of this book is stated in the first paragraph of the Introduction:

"As I complete this book, U.S., British, and other coalition forces are trying to govern apparently ungovernable postwar states in Afghanistan and Iraq, while simultaneously fighting growing Islamist insurgencies in each – a state of affairs our leaders call victory. In conducting these activities, and the conventional military campaigns preceding them, U.S. forces and policies are completing the radicalization of the Islamic world, something Osama bin Laden has been trying to do with substantial but incomplete success since the early 1990s. As a result, I think it fair to conclude that the United States of America remains bin Laden's only indispensable ally."

Scheuer's theme is that we have consistently underestimated and misidentified our enemy, the forces of radical Islamism represented by the figure of bin Laden, and are therefore dooming ourselves to defeat. We have portrayed OBL as a demented nihilist whose religious convictions are a cruel distortion of Islam held only by a lunatic fringe in the Muslim world. Scheuer shows that the exact opposite is the case. Far from being the Mad Terrorist that war propagandists and politically-motivated ideologues depict, the threat posed by OBL "lies in the coherence and consistency of his ideas, their precise articulation, and the acts of war he takes to implement them." Far from being the apocalyptic fanatic conjured in the Western imagination, OBL is a practical warrior, engaged in what he – and much of the Muslim world – sees as a defensive jihad, or holy war, against the incursions of the West and its Zionist ally. He, and they, don't hate us for our freedoms, or because we guarantee women the "right" to an abortion, or because Queer Eye for the Straight Guy was such a big hit, but because of our policies in the Middle East and elsewhere, which they see as a war aimed at the eradication of Islam. In this context, as Scheuer puts it:

"The military actions of al-Qaeda and its allies are acts of war, not terrorism; they are part of a defensive jihad sanctioned by the revealed word of God, as contained in the Koran, and the sayings and traditions of the Prophet Mohammed, the Sunnah. These attacks are meant to advance bin Laden's clear, focused, limited, and widely popular foreign policy goals."

Scheuer goes on to list instances in which American foreign policy has resulted in oppression, economic exploitation, and mass death for millions of Muslims from Morocco to Malaysia:

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U.S. support for Israel that keeps Palestinians in the Israelis' thrall
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U.S and other Western troops on the Arabian peninsula
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U.S. occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan
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U.S. support for Russia, India, and China against their Muslim militants
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U.S. pressure on Arab energy producers to keep oil prices low
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U.S. support for apostate, corrupt, and often tyrannical Muslim governments

Scheuer speaks in his own distinctive voice, perhaps exemplified by his chapter titles: the chapter entitled "An Unprepared and Ignorant Lunge to Defeat – the United States in Afghanistan" appears to have been of special interest to candidate Kerry, as it focuses on the complete disaster that our Afghan campaign represents, even as it is being touted by this administration as a great "victory."

We were not only unprepared to respond when the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were attacked, but, when we did react, we did it half-heartedly, "out-sourcing" the task to local Afghan tribes, who gladly took our money and then looked the other way as OBL and the combined forces of al-Qaeda and the Taleban escaped.

The U.S. thought that money would be enough to buy them the head of bin Laden and other HVT's (High Value Targets), but, in universalizing their own mercenary mentality, the strategic geniuses in the Pentagon were sorely mistaken. Scheuer's description of the Afghans as "stubbornly contrary" is shot through with implicit admiration for their unwillingness to turn over any HVT's for the $100 million reward, "despite living in the planet's poorest state."

One big value in this book is its frequent referencing to al-Qaeda's internet postings, including the writings of OBL and his top theoreticians and strategists. For example, Scheuer cites a top aide to bin Laden, Abu-Ubayd al-Qurashi, who wrote after the climactic battle of Shahi Kowt:

"Anyone who follows the news from Afghanistan will see how the different factions are playing with the Americans in order to prolong the flow of dollars as much as possible, and are trying to strengthen their own interests without participating seriously in the American crusade."

If only our own Office of Management and Budget were as ruthless in their appraisal of this larcenous scheme! The Afghans took our money, and then did precisely what they intended to do all along. They took our aid and weapons in the battle against the Russians, who pursued the very same strategy we are employing – installing a "secular" regime with ideological pretensions of being "democratic," aided by a small, Westernized, secular elite and an uneasy coalition of racial-religious minority groups. The result in our own case is doomed to be identical to that which befell the Russians and their Afghan sock puppets: utter defeat.

Once al-Qaeda's leading cadre were allowed to escape, they were carried on the wind like dandelion seeds, dispersed throughout Afghanistan, and then into Pakistan, Central Asia, and beyond, implanting themselves far and wide. The seeds of a worldwide insurgency – nurtured by the arrogance and hubris of American foreign policy – have sprung up in Iraq – a "gift" to al-Qaeda, as Scheuer puts it – in Bosnia, in Spain, in Africa, and throughout the Middle East and the Caucasus. Al-Qaeda, far from being down and almost out, as the Bush administration would like us to believe, is "Not Down, Not Out" as Scheuer puts it in one of his chapter titles. This is due, he says, to "Al Qaeda's Resiliency, Expansion, and Momentum" – in short, we are dealing with a formidable enemy, which is widely misunderstood and willfully so, by all too many in the West.

The belief that al-Qaeda is fighting a defensive war against a Western incursion is at the core of bin Laden's widespread support throughout the Muslim world, and this is underscored by Scheuer, who points out that the insurgencies OBL and his cohorts support are, without exception, fighting to regain Muslim territory, not conquer new lands. OBL and his followers aren't nihilists attacking "civilization itself," as the more self-righteous commentators habitually put it: in Muslim eyes, they are a simply acting in self-defense.

Imperial Hubris is studded with analytical gems, phrased in colorful prose: it sparkles with wit, as well as wisdom, but all in the service of a serious and even solemn task: to provide a radical corrective to the hypocritical cant and political "spin" that has distorted and undermined any meaningful effort to defeat al-Qaeda and the very real threat posed by the emerging global insurgency it represents. We are blinded, says Scheuer, not just by partisan politics but also by a radical inability to see beyond our own cultural parameters:

"The way we see and interpret people and events outside North America is heavily clouded by arrogance and self-centeredness amounting to what I called 'imperial arrogance' inThrough Our Enemies' Eyes. This is not a genetic flaw in Americans that has been present since the Pilgrims splashed ashore at Plymouth Rock, but rather a way of thinking America's elites have acquired since the end of World War II. It is a process of interpreting the world so it makes sense to us, a process yielding a world in which few events seem alien because we Americanize their components."

We have created, in bin Laden, "the enemy we want, not the one we face," and our insistence on misunderstanding him, or his appeal, will have fatal consequences – which are just beginning to be felt on the battlefield in Iraq, and whatever future battlefields the War Party has all mapped out for us.

We must shed our comforting illusions, Scheuer avers, and face the reality of the threat posed by bin Laden and his followers worldwide. Unless we recognize what they are, and what motivates them, we cannot undertake any meaningful and successful action to defeat them.

Reading Scheuer's wonderful book, one begins to realize how much this mantra of "they hate us for what we are" – instead of what we do – is really a form of appeasement because it disarms us in advance, and confirms the radical Islamist critique of American policy as an eternal war waged on Islam by the "Crusaders and the Jews," as bin Laden says. We are doing bin Laden's work for him, in Iraq – "the hoped for but never expected gift" – and, since the day the World Trade towers fell, throughout the world. Iraq is the "gift" bin Laden received from Washington that "will haunt, hurt, and hound Americans for years to come."

On the question of Israel, Scheuer bravely confronts the "third rail" of American foreign policy, descrying the policy of unconditional support to that country as an albatross of unbearable weight tied 'round our necks, one that could well drag us down into a relentless war against a billion-plus Muslims. Yet all discussion, he notes, of this inexplicable policy, which hurts our national interests, is forbidden:

"Almost every such speaker is immediately branded anti-Semitic and consigned to the netherworld of American politics, as if concerns about U.S. national security are prima facie void if they involve any questioning of the U.S.-Israel status quo."

The Kerry people may lift his critique of the Afghan war, but were surely horrified by Scheuer's bitterly ironic paean of admiration for

"Israel's diplomats, politicians, intelligence services, U.S.-citizen spies, and the retired senior U.S. officials and wealthy Jewish-American organizations who lobby an always amenable Congress on Israel's behalf."

He sarcastically hails the Israelis and their American supporters who "have succeeded in lacing tight the ropes binding the American Gulliver to the tiny Jewish state and its policies," perceptively noting that this conflation of American and Israeli interests been so successful that, "for many Americans," Israeli nationalism "has become deeply entwined with American nationalism" – to which I would add, only in certain quarters.

Given the veracity of the news that U.S. law enforcement has discovered a cabal of spies for Israel who burrowed their way into the Pentagon's policymaking wing, that crack about "citizen-spies" certainly was eerily prescient.

One hopes, however, that Imperial Hubris is not prescient in other ways, such as the author's prediction that – given the status quo policies maintained by our government, which give wide credence to bin Laden's propaganda efforts – we are doomed to fight a savage war in which "killing in large numbers is not enough to defeat our Muslim foes." Scheuer has been widely misinterpreted as advocating a savage war of attrition, including the "razing of infrastructure," as he puts it, but it is clear from the text that the author means only to give us fair warning:

"This sort of bloody-mindedness is neither admirable nor desirable, but it will remain America's only option so long as she stands by her failed policies toward the Muslim world."

The idea that we are going to "drain the swamp" of Arab resentment by imposing "democracy" at gunpoint is a typically self-serving example of Western narcissism, which presumes to know what is best for everyone on earth. Locked into our role as "a hectoring, white-faced, pistol-packing, Wilsonian schoolmarm," as Scheuer puts it, we are a bulwark of Central Asian and Middle Eastern dictatorships (e.g., Uzbekistan and Saudi Arabia, et al.), Concerned only with maintaining cheap oil and Israel's regional hegemony, we are fueling the worldwide insurgency – not a mere terrorist conspiracy – that poses a deadly danger to us all.

"The choice," writes Scheuer, is "between keeping current policies, which will produce an escalating expenditure of American treasure and blood, or devising new policies, which may, over time, reduce the expenditure of both."

We must choose between unconditional support for Israel and "an unending war with Islam." We must choose between the advice of John Quincy Adams, who warned that America must not "go abroad in search of monsters to destroy," and "the sordid legacy of Woodrow Wilson's internationalism, which soaked the twentieth century in as much or more blood as any other 'ism.'"

In Imperial Hubris no sacred cow goes unslaughtered, and, for that reason alone it is worth a read. It is also filled with instances in which the present administration basically blew it, especially in Afghanistan, which explains the interest of Kerry and his minions, who seem to have made some use of it in last week's debate. But the Kerry people are unlikely to take to Scheuer's basic prescription, which is that we had better damn well stay out of the affairs of other nations unless we are prepared to deal with the consequences of meddling in that which we neither understand nor appreciate. Scheuer's view of the Israeli lobby, in particular, is far too politically incorrect for the Kerry-ites to ever embrace.

In summing up the spirit and theme of this fascinating and very valuable book – which offers, among other things, a portrait of OBL that rings truer than any I have read elsewhere – I would call your attention to one of the author's more endearing subtitles, a section called "Thought Police Be Damned: Nothing is Too Dangerous to Talk About."

Now that's my kinda guy! In talking about these previously forbidden subjects, Scheuer – who has been effectively silenced by the national security bureaucracy – has done us all a very great service.

No one who has opinions on the subject of al-Qaeda, the Afghan war, the Iraq disaster, or the so-called "war on terrorism" can possibly be taken seriously until and unless they have read Imperial Hubris from cover to cover. Buy this book, read it, and recommend it to your friends.

http://antiwar.com/justin/?articleid=3705

BUMP!! Great points in this article, even though it's old...

Hardrock69
03-01-2006, 01:33 PM
I agree...

ODShowtime
03-01-2006, 06:56 PM
The bottom line is that gw fucked up. We have achieved nothing in 5 years. It's disgraceful.

ELVIS
03-01-2006, 07:09 PM
It's not GW's fault...

Scary read...

Nickdfresh
03-01-2006, 07:57 PM
Yes, it is...

The actual book is next on my reading list...