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ELVIS
12-03-2005, 12:38 AM
SATURDAY, MAY 10, 1862


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OUR SUCCESS.

THE regular circulation of Harper's Weekly is now between ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIVE and ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTY THOUSAND copies. Assuming that each number of the paper is read by ten persons—a moderate estimate—a million and a quarter people derive instruction and amusement from this journal. It affords us no little satisfaction to witness this success. Certainly we may say that no effort on our part has been wanting to deserve it.

Our weekly expenses for traveling artists are alone as heavy as our total outlay for artistic labor used to be when Harper's Weekly was first established. This out-lay, however, enables us to depict, week by week, the progress of our arms along the whole circumference of the Rebellion, with a fidelity and vividness seldom equaled.

We are besides enabled to lay before our readers each week several pages of the best reading of the day, including the works of Dickens, Wilkie Collins, and Bulwer. So remarkable a combination of artistic and literary excellences has never been presented in any journal, either in this country or abroad.

We think that this Number, for instance, will bear comparison with any number of any paper ever produced in the United States or in Europe.



SATURDAY, MAY 10, 1862

DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL

DURING the Crimean war the late Prince Albert was furiously abused by the British people for saying, in a public speech, that constitutional monarchy was on trial. What he meant was, that the pending contest would test whether it was possible to carry on a great war without interfering with the free institutions which were established for peace-time. The event proved that the British system was equal to the test. The war was brought to a successful close without any violation of the laws established for the government of the British empire in time of peace. It must be remarked, however, that the war was prosecuted at a point several thousand miles distant from Great Britain; that England's trade with Russia was very limited; that the chief commerce of Great Britain was not injured by the war; and that the number of individuals whose private interests were affected by the war was very small indeed.

In these important aspects the pending war in this country differs essentially from the Russian war, and it is reasonable to assume that its bearing on our peace institutions must be widely dissimilar. The war is carried on at our own doors, with a people most closely allied to us by ties of marriage, association, and commerce; it has crippled our trade, and gravely impaired our industrial energy; and the number of persons whose interests are directly affected by it is enormous.

These essential differences explain why it was necessary, in this country, to do what was not required in England during the contest of 1854-'5; namely, to suspend the operations of those great free institutions which, in peace-time, are the main bulwark of popular liberty.

It must always be borne in mind by the candid observer that since history began there never was such a rebellion as the one we are now suppressing. The rebellion of Catiline, to which it has been compared, was only able to raise 5000 men, and of these a large portion had no better arms than clubs. The famous rebellions which constitute so important a part of the history of Great Britain and France were trumpery little disturbances in comparison with the Southern insurrection. A faint resemblance may be traced between the present contest in this country and the religious wars in Europe; but the latter, it will be seen at once on examination, were very diminutive prototypes of the present struggle. In all the religious wars in England and France there was no more bloody contest than the Battle of Winchester, which the historian will class among the minor fights of the present war. History contains no example of 8,000,000 people rebelling against 20,000,000 of their countrymen, and bowing so completely to the lead of fanatic leaders as to submit to be forced by conscription into military service. There never was an instance before of a country raising a million of men to fight each other. Nor was there ever a war, before the present one, which inflicted such wholesale misery upon the country which first took up arms; which involved so fearful an injury to peaceful commerce; which developed so much treachery on the part of persons in public employ; which brought to light such diabolical treason and such heartless perfidy. The honest historian will stand aghast when he discovers the progressive developments of the scheme of secession.

These unparalleled facts will constitute the historical apology for the violations of law perpetrated by the authority of President Lincoln. They will be deemed an ample and sufficient excuse. Posterity will decide that if Abraham Lincoln had hesitated to assume the responsibility of suspending the act of habeas corpus, or of interfering with the dissemination of treason in Northern newspapers, he would, under the circumstances, have proved as derelict as his imbecile predecessor James Buchanan.

At the same time it must not be forgotten that, if it comes to the worst, our liberties are more precious than any thing else. We could better afford to forego the restoration of the
Union than the complete reassertion of the rights secured to us by the Constitution. What has been done was right, and inevitable under the circumstances. But if it was in violation of law, the law must vindicate itself.

We are therefore not sorry to see that an action at law has been instituted against Ex-Secretary of War Simon Cameron by a party who was at one time confined in Fort Lafayette by his orders. We have no doubt but the Secretary, or the President, by whose orders he acted, had sufficient reasons for ordering the incarceration of the person in question. But it is right, it is. due to our institutions, that a jury should pronounce upon the subject. Congress will of course interpose to protect the members of Mr. Lincoln's Administration against pecuniary loss arising from such prosecutions. But the facts should nevertheless be ascertained. General Jackson was thoroughly commended by the American people for trampling on the law of the land at New Orleans; but he was sued for it, and fined $1000, and the people approve the condemnation. It must be so now. Unusual emergencies have called for unusual remedies, and remarkable assumptions of power. But wherever the laws have been violated, the violator should be punished at the bidding of a jury. Congress will grant indemnity wherever it may rightfully be claimed.

If we can not suppress the rebellion without sacrificing the fundamental principles of our political system, the work of suppression will cost dear. In the memorable words of President Lincoln:

"I understand the ship to be made for the carrying and preservation of the cargo, and so long as the ship can be saved, with the cargo, it should never be abandoned. This Union should likewise never be abandoned unless it fails, and the probability of its preservation shall cease to exist without throwing the passengers and cargo overboard. So long, then, as it is possible that the prosperity and the liberties of the people can be preserved in the Union, it shall be my purpose at all times to preserve it."


A LOOK AROUND.

AT this moment of writing we have reached a lull in the movements of the war. Driven back almost simultaneously from their outer line across the country from the Chesapeake to the Mississippi the rebels stand at Corinth and at Yorktown. At the former place Halleck for the first time appears in the field, and at the latter McClellan has the most ample theatre for the exhibition of his powers.

That the public confidence in success at the Southwest is increased by the presence of Halleck in active command is unquestionable. There has been such an accumulation of proof that we were not properly prepared for attack at Pittsburg Landing, that brave and loyal, and successful even, as
General Grant has been, it was impossible to avoid the question whether we should be any better prepared for the next onset. There has as yet been no reason assigned for the separation of the two great divisions of our army in Tennessee by so large a space that we had almost been destroyed. Common sense must count for something even in military strategy.

Parson Brownlow says he considers Beauregard the best General upon the Continent. If he be so, he is worthily opposed to General Halleck, in whose sagacity, rapidity, and comprehensive grasp of the campaign there is very general confidence. Whether this arises from the public satisfaction with his administration of the Western Department or from extraneous considerations, it is not easy to say. This only we know, that, whether the Department had been prepared for success by the operations of General Fremont, who had every conceivable difficulty to master when he was in charge, or from whatever other reason, yet the West, since General Halleck took command, has been the scene of a continuous series of splendid victories.

How much of the credit of all this belongs to the Commanding General is yet another question. But it is impossible not to recognize the prestige which the mere fact gives to him; and if he succeeds in defeating the army of desperation under Beauregard, while Foote presses down the river—for the two events would probably be simultaneous—it will not be easy for the rebels to collect another formidable army, except under great difficulties.

So also if McClellan is successful upon the Yorktown peninsula, and either defeats the enemy in a general engagement or compels him to retire upon Richmond—Norfolk falls; the rebels can hardly stand in Virginia or North Carolina; they will retreat southwestwardly, and the rebellion will be virtually inclosed in the sea-board and Gulf slave States. It would then by no means yield, but maintain itself by a general guerrilla warfare, and a sullen submission wherever the National force was actually superior. This state of things would inevitably continue until pride and passion and prejudice had had their way. At length the ordinary motives and desires of men in civil society would begin to act; the people of the rebellious section would give pledges, not oaths, of their loyalty to the National Government; and gradually, as various influences combined to extirpate the root of treason, they would be as faithful to the system which gave them dignity, nationality, honor, and power, as the most loyal citizens to-day.

It is dangerous to speculate—how much more to prophesy—so we forbear. Especially as our eyes rest upon an enthusiastic article in the Times of March 17, which exultingly predicts that "within twenty days Richmond will be in the hands of McClellan, Norfolk in possession of Burnside, and Jeff Davis either a prisoner in our hands or a fugitive among the people whom he has deluded and ruined."

The Times will smile, and justly insist that its rosy anticipations were out a little in point of time, but not of fact; and that about May-day all will be true. Amen! It is, after all, only a question of time.

HOPELESS SPITE.

THE recognition of Hayti and Liberia is another of the national acts which show that we are no longer chained to the most remorseless despotism. This Government sends a minister to the Chinese, who are yellow people; and an agent to the Japanese, who are bronze people, whom Mr. Douglas called an inferior race; we have consuls in India and a minister in Turkey, where the people are dark red and olive; and there really has seemed to be no reason why we should refuse an agent to people who are black. Nor has there been any reason except that many of the Senators, whose consent was necessary, held black people as slaves.

The utterly false, abnormal, and fatal position which this nation has occupied toward men of African descent is being rapidly changed to the natural and simple one which other civilized people maintain. Nor would there be any serious difficulty in immediately establishing it except for two things—the prejudice which always prevails in a country against an enslaved race, and the party capital which in this country is made out of it.

Such a person as Vallandigham, for instance, who comes from Ohio, is in practical collusion with slavery and its effort to destroy the Government, merely because it serves his political purpose. The slaveholders for many years had worked with the Democratic party. The consequence was that, to secure the unanimous slave section, the Democratic party gradually relinquished all its fundamental principles, and became an association for the propagation and extension of slavery and the annihilation of the safeguards of liberty. The consequence of this in turn was, that as the party left its principles the best Democrats left the party, until at last the Southern leaders stood in open rebellion, and all loyal national Democrats stood against them.

Those who did not were last summer's "peace men." These were people who thought that the Government was, as Mr. Senator Powell calls it, a tyrant and despot for laying its hand upon its enemies. They were the people who voted in Congress with Breckinridge and the other open traitors, who staid because they could do most harm by staying. These are the people who, upon the hope that the French Government has indirectly threatened recognition of the rebellion, call loudly with Vallandigham for the correspondence that the traitors may be encouraged by it. They are the men who would like to see Jeff Davis, reeking with the blood of thousands of loyal citizens, marching into the White House: who rejoiced over Bull Run: who are aghast at Pea Ridge, Donelson, and Newbern: who would gladly shut, by any means, the mouths of men who expose the true source and aim of this infamous rebellion: and who show the spite they bear to human progress, national peace, and the civilization of liberty, by opposing every measure which aims to cut the fangs of slavery. Meanwhile those measures are sure to be taken, and they will cut the fangs of these gentry at the same time.




:elvis:

ELVIS
12-03-2005, 12:48 AM
Page 2



TELLING SECRETS.

THE letter of Yulee, which was printed in facsimile in the Harper of last week, is one document of a secret history of rebellion which will doubtless be unearthed as our arms advance and we occupy the rebellious section. The Nashville Union is already upon the scent. It appears that the editor of the Louisville Courier was last July an active but secret agent of the conspiracy. With every disclosure of this kind the national deliverance will appear only the more marvelous. It will be an interesting inquiry for the historian how far the plot had ripened in the city of New York in the good old days of Gustavus W. Smith, and Lovell, the Jacques of that redoubtable Robert Macaire. However, as General Gustavus, unlike General Floyd, only stole himself away, we ought not to complain.

The definite secret organization of the conspiracy was doubtless complete as to a few leaders. Of course much must have depended upon the developments of popular sympathy which could not be previously calculated. That Jefferson Davis's knowledge of the whole military distribution and sympathy of the country, gained from his occupancy of the War Department, was of the greatest service to him is evident. That his residence for two summers in Maine gave him an opportunity, which he used, to inform himself practically of Northern sentiment is of course unquestionable; and that a vast mass of correspondence and documentary evidence awaits the historian is beyond doubt.

Yet, in case of an absolute and sudden reverse, much of this material will be destroyed. Senator Harris, in his speech upon the confiscation bill, said that few people are aware how difficult it would be to convict Davis of treason. Where is he to be tried? Who are the witnesses? He and his confederates are men shrewd enough to remove all dangers which they can foresee, and a trial for treason must be rather conspicuous among them just now.

The seized telegrams of last May also will be a quarry for the patient delver. How extremely shaky in their shoes certain gentlemen must have felt on the morning of that announcement! Here were people who had been playing with fire and suddenly the house blazed up! Here were people who had insisted that "the South" (which had filled and controlled every nook and cranny of the Government for years) was "oppressed," and was more than half justified in taking "redress" by arms. How much of all this sympathy was to appear in their telegrams must have greatly exercised these worthy gentlemen. They have the consolation of knowing that History will not be ignorant of the facts, but will duly record the names of all who substantially and morally favored a treason which is destitute of a solitary plausible pretense.

FOR US OR AGAINST US?

THE correspondent of the New York Herald, in one of its late numbers, reports that the rebels had a regiment of mounted negroes, armed with sabres, at Manassas, and that some five hundred Union prisoners taken at Bull Run were escorted to their filthy prison by a regiment of black men. There is little doubt also, that the fortifications at Manassas and those at Yorktown were the work of the slaves. The same paper reports that "the rebels dug up the remains of our soldiers, and made spurs of their jawbones, cutting up their skeletons into every conceivable form, and sending the trinkets home to their friends."

There is plenty of authentic confirmation of these barbarities.

Will some one now say why, if slaves are to be armed at all, they should be armed against our friends instead of our enemies? And is it not clear that the "atrocities" which it was supposed the slaves, if freed, would instantly fall to committing, are already perpetrated by the rebels? There is no recorded San Domingo "horror" more horrible than this last story.

At least twenty thousand slaves have been liberated by the necessities of the war. Will any friend of the rebels, so fearful of the ungovernable passions of emancipated slaves, please to mention the master whose jawbone they have cut into spurs or whose skull they have made into a drinking-cup?

A NEW LITERATURE.

THE great rebellion will produce a literature. For a long time the most exciting and interesting books published will be the histories, annals, memoirs, biographies, journals, and disquisitions growing out of the war. There is a literature of the English rebellion, which was Macaulay's strong point; and a literature of the French Revolution, in which Theirs is profoundly versed; and in like manner new names and fames will be made by the works that will be inspired by this enormous war.

The material is not only copious, but a thoughtful care preserves it all. The librarian of Harvard University invites contributions of every published scrap upon either side relating to the struggle. Such an illustrated paper as Harper's Weekly is a current, vivid history of the war brought down to the latest dates; while Mr. Putnam's "Rebellion Record" is an unsurpassed collection of the material of history. It is not digested, nor condensed, nor shaped in any way, but it is a most thorough and careful record of every document, speech, letter, description, report, debate, printed in full, and ready for the selecting eye and sifting hand of the historian. It is, in fact, the block of marble and the tools. The artist has only to bring his genius with him, fall to work, and hew out an imperishable history.

It will, nevertheless, be a long time before the final story of the conspiracy can be written. It must be sought and studied in its causes, and followed
into details of which much is now hidden. But a grander theme, loftier, more picturesque, of profounder significance and interest, never allured the student. Not Sallust in the Conspiracy of Catiline which he saw, nor Livy in the Annals of Rome which he brought down to his own day, nor Thucydides in the Peloponnesian War in which he was a soldier, nor Xenophon in the retreat of the ten thousand which he conducted, had a more inspiring theme than this act of the great historic drama in which the Anglo-Saxon race, upon a new continent, annihilates, by the popular will and arm, the last hope of Despotism, and enlarges human liberty by constitutional laws.

As this great struggle, by revealing to us our own manhood, releases us nationally from our childish dependence upon European criticism, so it will emancipate our literature from foreign subservience. Our literary genius is especially historical, and the skill with which, by various hands, we have told the story of Spain at home, in America, and in Europe—the story of early France, of the Netherlands, and of our colonial existence, will now illustrate with even greater fervor the triumph of the civilization of Liberty.


DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE.

CONGRESS.

ON Tuesday, April 22, in the Senate, the select committee on the case of Senator Stark, of Oregon, made a report that the committee find that Mr. Stark is disloyal to the Government of the United States. The report was ordered to be printed. A resolution was presented, calling on the President for copies of all orders of the General commanding, instructions, etc., given to General Sherman, lately commending the South Carolina Military Department. The bill establishing a Department of Agriculture was taken up, and Senator Wright's substitute was rejected. The consideration of the bill confiscating the property of rebels was resumed, and Senator Davis, of Kentucky, commenced a speech against the bill, which, he said, was a measure of gigantic injustice. Without concluding his remarks, Senator Davis gave way for an executive session, and subsequently the Senate adjourned.—In the House, Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, offered a resolution, which was adopted, requesting the President to strike from the army rolls the name of any officer who has been known to be habitually intoxicated. Mr. Morrill stated that he had been assured that the commanding General of the Union forces in the fight near Yorktown, on the 16th inst., in which the Vermont regiments suffered so severely, was drunk at the time, and fell off his horse into the mud. When pressed for the name of the General, Mr. Morrill declined to give it. A motion to lay the Confiscation bills on the table was negatived, ayes 39 against 65 nays, and Mr. Bingham's bill was selected from among them, as embodying the views of the House on the confiscation question. The vote stood 62 against 48. Pending the question on the passage of the bill the House adjourned.

On Wednesday, April 23, in the Senate, a resolution was adopted instructing the Military Committee to inquire whether any General in the army before Yorktown had exhibited himself drunk in face of the enemy, and if any measures had been taken for the trial and punishment of such officer. The bill recognizing the independence of Hayti and Liberia, and providing for the appointment of diplomatic representatives thereto, was taken up, and Senator Sumner made a speech in support of it. The consideration of the Confiscation bill was then resumed, and Senator Davis, of Kentucky, concluded his speech in opposition to it. Senator Sherman, of Ohio, offered an amendment to this bill, specifying that the act shall apply to persons who may hereafter hold office under the rebel Government; but the Senate adjourned without taking action on the subject.—In the House a bill appropriating $1850 to indemnify the owners of the Danish bark Jorgen Lorentzen, illegally seized by the blockading squadron, was passed. The Military Committee made an important report on the subject of coast and harbor defenses. The consideration of the Confiscation bills was then resumed, and the bill pending on Tuesday was laid on the table by a vote of 58 against 52. The next bill taken up was to facilitate the suppression of the rebellion, and to prevent the recurrence of the same. It authorizes the President to direct our Generals to declare the slaves of the rebels free, and pledges the faith of the United States to make full and fair compensation to loyal men who have actively supported the Union for any losses they may sustain by virtue of this bill. This was debated by Messrs. Olin, Colfax, Dunn, Bingham, Lehman, Hickman, and Crittenden. After further debate, without action, the House adjourned.

On Thursday, April 24, in the Senate, a communication from the War Department, covering copies of contracts made by that department for 1861, was presented. The bill providing for the recognition of Hayti and Liberia, and establishing diplomatic intercourse with those countries, was taken up, and Senator Davis, of Kentucky, offered a substitute, authorizing the President to appoint a Consul at Liberia and a Consul-General at Hayti, to negotiate treaties. The substitute was rejected, and the bill passed by a vote of 32 to 7. The consideration of the Confiscation bill was then resumed, and Senator Collamer made a speech against it. Senator Sherman's amendment to the original bill, limiting confiscation to persons who held certain offices under the rebel government was agreed to—yeas 27, nays 11. The further consideration of the subject was then postponed, and the Senate went into executive session.—In the House, the Confiscation bills were taken up, and after some debate the House, by a vote of 90 to 31, referred the subject to a special committee. Mr. Vallandigham, of Ohio, quoted from a speech of Senator Wade, in which the latter charged the former with disloyalty to the Union, and emphatically pronounced the Senator "a liar, a scoundrel, and a coward," and expressed his readiness to meet him any where. Mr. Blake took up the quarrel for Senator Wade, and Mr. Hutchins offered a resolution declaring Mr. Vallandigham's language a violation of the rules of the House and a breach of decorum, and that he is deserving of and is hereby censured by the House. Pending the question on the resolution the House adjourned.

On Friday, April 25, in the Senate, resolutions from the Legislature of Ohio concerning the rebel prisoners at Columbus, Ohio, saying that the loyal feelings of the people of Ohio had been outraged by the fact that the rebel prisoners at Camp Chase were allowed to retain their slaves by Colonel Moody, thus practically establishing slavery in Ohio in the name of the people of Ohio, and solemnly protesting against this outrage upon the loyalty of the people of Ohio. The resolutions were accompanied by a note from Governor Tod, saying that Colonel Moody did not permit it, but that the negroes had been sent there as prisoners, and that Colonel Moody was obliged to take care of them. Senator Wilson said he should call the subject up on Monday. The bill establishing a line of armed steamers between San Francisco and Shanghai and Japan was passed. A bill protecting United States officers from suits growing out of arrests of disloyal persons was referred to the Judiciary Committee. An executive session was held and a number of army appointments confirmed.—In the House, the bill providing bounties for the widows and heirs of volunteers was discussed, and Mr. Dawes defended the Government Contract Investigating Committee from the assaults made upon them during their absence. Both Houses adjourned till Monday.

On Monday, April 28, in the Senate, a communication relative to the number and ages of the slaves in the District of Columbia was presented and referred. The bill providing for the more convenient enforcement of the laws for security to keep the peace and good behavior was passed. Petitions adverse to the Tax bill, and asking a reduction of the proposed tax on tobacco, were presented. The Senate held an executive session, and confirmed a number of military appointments.—In the House, the Speaker announced the following as the Special Committee on the confiscation of rebel property: Messrs. Olin of New York, Eliot of Massachusetts, Noel of Missouri, Hutchins of Ohio, Mallory of Kentucky, Beaman of Michigan, and Cobb of New Jersey. Mr. Olin declined to serve, and it is believed Mr. Sedgwick will be elected in his place. A resolution was adopted calling for the official reports of the battle at Pittsburg Landing. A resolution that the Judiciary Committee be instructed to inquire into the expediency of reporting for punishing all contractors guilty of defrauding the Government, with penalties similar to those for grand larceny, was adopted. A joint resolution was referred to the Committee on Commerce, authorizing the appointment of commissioners to negotiate concerning the Reciprocity Treaty, and authorizing the President to give the necessary notice for terminating the present unfair treaty. The consideration of the report of the Government Contract Investigating Committee was resumed. Mr. Sedgwick, of New York, defended the Secretary of the Navy from charges of inefficiency
brought against him; and Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, defended General Fremont from the aspersions against his official conduct. Mr. Ashley reported back from the Committee on Territories the bill to prevent and punish the practice of polygamy, and to annul certain acts of the Territorial Legislature of Utah establishing the same, and it was passed.

GENERAL HALLECK ON THE MOVE.

Dispatches received in St. Louis on 25th state that the advance-guard of the Union army attacked the rebels on Thursday, and drove them back toward Corinth. General Halleck was, according to this account, at the last dates pushing his entire army vigorously forward. Another dispatch, received in Chicago from Cairo on 28th, describes a reconnoissance in force which took place on 23d, when our troops surprised a rebel camp, and had advanced to within six miles of Corinth. They remained at this point from eleven o'clock in the morning until three, and saw no sign of the rebels in front. The continual rattle of cars and sounding of steam-whistles on the road toward Memphis were heard, giving ground to the impression that the rebels were evacuating Corinth and pushing on toward Memphis.

THE ARMIES AT CORINTH.

It is surmised, on pretty reliable data, that General Beauregard has now over one hundred thousand men under his command at Corinth. A large portion of them are, however, raw recruits, brought in by conscription.

General Pope, with nearly his whole force, arrived at Pittsburg Landing on Monday last to reinforce General Halleck.

OUR ARMY BEFORE YORKTOWN.

General McClellan telegraphed to the War Department on 26th that a portion of his troops had captured a lunette of the enemy in front of Yorktown, driving the rebels out at a charge, without returning their fire, and occupying the work. Our loss was only three killed and twelve wounded, although our men had to face a heavy fire as they advanced on the work. General McClellan represents every thing going on favorably in spite of the rain, which appears to pour down constantly in that region.

FIRING BEFORE YORKTOWN.

The latest accounts which we have—up to Sunday night —say that firing had been going on all day in front of the rebel works. Our naval vessels, with their superior armament, were doing fearful execution on the rebel batteries, while the fire of the rebels falls far short of their mark. Skirmishing between the land forces is kept up very brisk, and it can not last many hours before a general and terrific engagement will be brought on.

AFFAIRS AT FORT WRIGHT.

The last accounts from Fort Wright state that the rebels have fourteen gun-boats and the ram Manassas lying off the forts, and that Captains Hollins and M'Rae were also there. The cannonade continues without important results.

THE REBELS CUTTING THE LEVEES.

The rebels had cut through the levee on the Arkansas side of the river, and thus flooded the country for a distance of thirty or forty miles, and destroying a vast amount of property. This was done to prevent the advance by land of General Pope's forces; the result is certain to be fatally destructive to the interests of the Southern people in that vicinity.

A FIGHT IN NORTH CAROLINA.

Persons from Burnside's expedition report that a fight occurred last Tuesday near the canal locks of Elizabeth City, North Carolina, between Colonel Hawkins's regiment and a force of rebels. The rebels were repulsed with considerable loss. Our loss is estimated at fifty killed and wounded. Colonel Hawkins was wounded in the right breast and his Adjutant killed.

ADVANCE OF GENERAL BANKS.

The news from General Banks's corps is important. Our troops are in possession of Staunton. The rebel Jackson is reported to be resting on the east side of the Shenandoah River, about sixteen miles from Harrisonburg, on his slow march toward Gordonsville. It is said that 800 of his men have recently deserted.

LIEUTENANT GWIN'S EXPEDITION INTO ALABAMA.

Dispatches received at the Navy Department from Commodore Foote contain the official report of the expedition of Lieutenant Gwin with the transports Tyler and Lexington to Chickasaw, Alabama, containing 2000 troops, infantry and cavalry, under command of General Sherman, where they disembarked, and proceeded rapidly to Bear Creek Bridge, at the crossing of the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, for the purpose of destroying it and as much of the trestle-work as they could find. Lieutenant Gwin reports that the expedition was entirely successful. The bridge, consisting of two spans of 110 feet each, was completely destroyed, together with some 500 feet of trestle-work and half a mile of telegraph line. The rebels made a feeble resistance to our cavalry, 120 in number, but soon hastily retreated, losing four killed. None of our troops were killed.

REBEL GUN-BOATS AT NORFOLK.

DEATH OF GENERAL SMITH.

Major-General C. F. Smith died at Savannah, Tennessee, on Saturday afternoon, of dysentery. General Smith was taken sick shortly after the occupation of Savannah by the forces under him, and has been suffering and sinking slowly for some weeks, though his condition was not thought to be dangerous until the past week. His family have been notified of his death, and are on their way to Savannah.

The French Minister returned from Richmond last week on the steamer Gassendi. The object of his mission has, of course, not transpired, but dispatches were at once forwarded by him to this city for instant transportation to France. No political importance, it would appear, is attached in Washington to the visit of M. Mercier to the rebel capital.

FOREIGN NEWS.

ENGLAND.

THE NAVY PANIC.

WORK has been suspended on wooden vessels in every dock-yard in England, and all hands are engaged in getting forward iron-armored ships—in fact, employed in creating a navy. Sir William Armstrong and Mr. Blakeley have published letters to show that guns can be made of sufficient power to destroy any iron plates now in use, and some highly important experiments had been conducted at Shoeburyness, by order of the Admiralty, in that direction. Sir William Armstrong asserts that one of his guns, of twelve tons' weight, charged with fifty pounds of powder, will break through the side of any iron vessel afloat. The London Times advocates the use of powerful and swift iron-clad "steam rams" for harbor defenses, and, for the fiat time, alludes to the possibility of iron frigates from France besieging the dock-yards of England, and so forth. Captain Cowper Coles, R.N., offers to construct a vessel of very light draught of water which will destroy the Warrior in a short time.



:elvis:

LoungeMachine
12-03-2005, 12:54 AM
Originally posted by ELVIS
SATURDAY, MAY 10, 1862


[

1862?

You need to fire your paper boy.

ELVIS
12-03-2005, 01:03 AM
I just thought it was an interesting read...

LoungeMachine
12-03-2005, 01:11 AM
I'll take your word for it....

FORD
12-03-2005, 02:03 AM
Elvis is high again. He's forgotten what century this is...

ELVIS
12-03-2005, 02:14 AM
C'mon dude...

I was looking at Civil war photos and stumbled on this...

LoungeMachine
12-03-2005, 04:10 AM
and took the 4 hours to read it before posting it.....

Warham
12-03-2005, 06:51 AM
You have to keep it to pictures for Lounge to understand it, Elvis, unless it says something about Bush doing something wrong in the headline. Then he'll miraculously become interested in reading it.

LoungeMachine
12-03-2005, 11:04 AM
Originally posted by Warham
You have to keep it to pictures for Lounge to understand it, Elvis, unless it says something about Bush doing something wrong in the headline. Then he'll miraculously become interested in reading it.

You know me so well :D

And I'm still waiting for you to bring up the fact Clinton's blow job wasn't even mentioned in the article.

It was obvioulsy a BCE planted piece;)


Oh, and if the pics are of nekkid wemun, all the better :cool: