PDA

View Full Version : Senator John Edwards' speech



FORD
07-29-2004, 09:11 AM
Text of Senator John Edwards's speech

July 28, 2004

A text of a speech by Sen. John Edwards of North Carolina, running mate of John Kerry, as prepared for delivery Wednesday night at the Democratic National Convention:

Thank you. Now, you know why Elizabeth is so amazing.

I am a lucky man: to have the love of my life at my side. We have been blessed with four beautiful children: Wade, Cate, Emma Claire, and Jack.

My mother and father, Wallace and Bobbie Edwards, are here tonight. You taught me the values that I carry with me in my heart: faith, family, responsibility, and opportunity for everyone. You taught me that there's dignity and honor in a hard day's work. You taught me that you look out for your neighbors, you never look down on anybody, and you treat everyone with respect.

Those are the values John Kerry and I believe in, and nothing makes me prouder than standing with him in this campaign. I am so humbled to be your candidate for Vice President of the United States.

I want to talk about our next president. For those who want to know what kind of leader he'll be, I want to take you back about 30 years. When John Kerry graduated college, he volunteered for military service. He volunteered to go to Vietnam and to captain a swift boat, one of the most dangerous duties you could have. And as a result he was wounded and honored for his valor.

If you have any question about what he's made of, you need to spend three minutes with the men who served with him then and stand by him today.

They saw up close what he's made of. They saw him reach down and pull one of his men from the river and save his life. And in the heat of battle, they saw him decide in an instant to turn his boat around, drive it straight through an enemy position, and chase down the enemy to save his crew.

Decisive. Strong. Aren't these the traits you want in a Commander in Chief?

We hear a lot of talk about values. Where I come from, you don't judge someone's values based on how they use that word in a political ad. You judge their values based upon what they've spent their life doing.

So when a man volunteers to serve his country, and puts his life on the line for others -- that's a man who represents real American values.

This is a man who is prepared to keep the American people safe and to make America stronger at home and respected in the world.

John is a man who knows the difference between what is right and what is wrong. He wants to serve you -- your cause is his cause. And that is why we must and we will elect John Kerry as our next president.

For the last few months, John has been talking about his positive, optimistic vision for the country -- talking about his plan to move this country in the right direction.

But we've seen relentless negative attacks against John. So in the weeks ahead, we know what's coming -- don't we -- more negative attacks.

Aren't you sick of it?

They are doing all they can to take this campaign for the highest office in the land down the lowest possible road.

This is where you come in. Between now and November -- you, the American people -- you can reject the tired, old, hateful, negative, politics of the past. And instead you can embrace the politics of hope, the politics of what's possible because this is America, where everything is possible.

I am here tonight because I love my country. And I have every reason to love my country because I have grown up in the bright light of America.

I grew up in a small town in rural North Carolina. My father worked in a mill all his life, and I will never forget the men and women who worked with him. They had lint in their hair and grease on their faces. They worked hard and tried to put a little something away every week so their kids and their grandkids could have a better life. They are just like the auto workers, office workers, teachers, and shop keepers on Main Streets all across America.

My mother had a number of jobs. Her last job was working at the post office so my parents could have health care. And she owned her own small business -- refinishing furniture to help pay for me to go to college.

I have had such incredible opportunities in my life, and I was blessed to be the first person in my family to go to college. I worked my way through, and I have had opportunities way beyond what I could have ever imagined.

And the heart of this campaign -- your campaign -- is to make sure that everyone has those same opportunities that I had growing up -- no matter where you live, who your family is, or what the color of your skin is. This is the America we believe in.

I have spent my life fighting for the kind of people I grew up with. For two decades, I stood with families and children against big HMOs and big insurance companies. And as a Senator, I fought those same fights against the Washington lobbyists and for causes like the Patients' Bill of Rights.

I stand here tonight ready to work with you and John to make America strong again.

And we have so much work to do. Because the truth is, we still live in two different Americas: one for people who have lived the American Dream and don't have to worry, and another for most Americans who work hard and still struggle to make ends meet.

It doesn't have to be that way. We can build one America

We can build one America where we no longer have two health care systems. One for people who get the best health care money can buy and then one for everybody else, rationed out by insurance companies, drug companies, and HMOs -- millions of Americans who don't have any health insurance at all.

It doesn't have to be that way.

We have a plan that will offer everyone the same health care your Senator has. We can give tax breaks to help pay for your health care. And we will sign into law a real Patients' Bill of Rights so you can make your own health care decisions.

We shouldn't have two public school systems in this country: one for the most affluent communities, and one for everybody else.

None of us believe that the quality of a child's education should be controlled by where they live or the affluence of their community.

It doesn't have to be that way.

We can build one public school system that works for all our children. Our plan will reform our schools and raise our standards. We can give our schools the resources they need. We can provide incentives to put quality teachers in the places and the subjects where we need them the most. And we can ensure that three million kids have a safe place to go after school. This is what we can do together.

We shouldn't have two different economies in America: one for people who are set for life, their kids and grandkids will be just fine, and then one for most Americans who live paycheck to paycheck.

And you know what I'm saying. You don't need me to explain it to you, you know -- you can't save any money, can you? Takes every dime you make just to pay your bills, and you know what happens if something goes wrong -- a child gets sick, somebody gets laid off, or there's a financial problem, you go right off the cliff.

And what's the first thing to go. Your dreams. It doesn't have to be that way.

We can strengthen and lift up your families. Your agenda is our agenda -- so let me give you some specifics.

First, we can create good paying jobs in America again. Our plan will stop giving tax breaks to companies that outsource your jobs. Instead, we will give tax breaks to American companies that keep jobs here in America. And we will invest in the jobs of the future -- in the technologies and innovation to ensure that America stays ahead of the competition.

We will do this because for us a job is about more than a paycheck -- it's about dignity and self-respect. Hard work should be valued in this country and we're going to reward work, not just wealth.

We don't want people to just get by; we want people to get ahead. So let me give you some specifics about how we're going to do that.

To help you pay for health care, a tax break and health care reform to lower your premiums up to $1,000. To help you cover the rising costs of child care, a tax credit up to $1,000 to cover those costs so your kids have a safe place to go while you work. And to help your child have the same chance I had and be the first person in your family to go to college, a tax break on up to $4,000 in tuition. So now you ask how are we going to pay for this? Well, here's how we're going to pay for it. Let me be very clear, for 98 percent of Americans, you will keep your tax cut-that's 98 percent. But we'll roll back the tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans, close corporate loopholes, and cut government contractors and wasteful spending. We can move our country forward without passing the bill and the burden on to our children and grandchildren.

We can also do something about 35 million Americans who live in poverty every day. Here's the reason we should not just talk about it, but do something about millions of Americans who still live in poverty, because it is wrong. We have a moral responsibility to lift those families up.

I mean the very idea that in a country of our wealth and our prosperity, we have children going to bed hungry. We have children who don't have the clothes to keep them warm. We have millions of Americans who work full-time every day for minimum wage to support their family and still live in poverty -- it's wrong.

These are men and women who are living up to their part of the bargain: working hard and taking care of their families. Those families are doing their part; it's time we did ours.

We will do that when John is in the White House. We will raise the minimum wage, finish the job on Welfare Reform, and bring good paying jobs to the places that need them. And we will say no forever to any American working full-time and living in poverty -- not in our America, not in our America.

Let me talk about why we need to build one America. I saw up close what having two Americas does to our country.

From the time I was very young, I saw the ugly face of segregation and discrimination. I saw young African-American kids sent upstairs in movie theaters. I saw white only signs on restaurant doors and luncheon counters. I feel such an enormous responsibility when it comes to issues of race and equality and civil rights.

I have heard some discussions and debates about where, and in front of what audiences we should talk about race, equality, and civil rights. Well, I have an answer to that question. Everywhere.

This is not an African-American issue, not a Latino issue, not an Asian-American issue, this is an American issue. It's about who we are, what our values are, what kind of country we want to live in.

What John and I want -- what we all want -- is for our children and our grandchildren to be the first generations to grow up in an America that's no longer divided by race.

We must build one America. We must be one America, strong and united for another very important reason -- because we are at war.

None of us will ever forget where we were on September 11th. We share the same terrible images: the Towers falling, the Pentagon in flames, and the smoldering field in Pennsylvania. And we share the profound sadness for the nearly three thousand lives lost.

As a member of the Senate Intelligence Committee, I know that we have to do more to fight terrorism and protect our country. And we can do that. We are approaching the third anniversary of September 11th, and I can tell you that when we're in office, it won't take us three years to get the reforms in our intelligence we need to protect our country. We will do whatever it takes, for as long as it takes, to make sure that never happens again, not to our America.

When John is president, we will listen to the wisdom of the Sept. 11 commission. We will build and lead strong alliances and safeguard and secure weapons of mass destruction. We will strengthen our homeland security and protect our ports, safeguard our chemical plants, and support our firefighters, police officers and EMTs. We will always use our military might to keep the American people safe.

And we will have one clear unmistakable message for al Qaida and the rest of these terrorists. You cannot run. You cannot hide. And we will destroy you.

John understands personally about fighting in a war. And he knows what our brave men and women are going through in another war -- the war in Iraq.

The human cost and extraordinary heroism of this war, it surrounds us. It surrounds us in our cities and towns. And we will win this war because of the strength and courage of our own people.

Some of our friends and neighbors saw their last images in Baghdad. Some took their last steps outside of Fallujah. And some buttoned their uniform for the final time before they went out to save their unit.

Men and women who used to take care of themselves, they now count on others to see them through the day. They need their mother to tie their shoe. Their husband to brush their hair. And their wife's arm to help them across the room.

The stars and stripes wave for them. The word hero was made for them. They are the best and the bravest. They will never be left behind. You understand that. And they deserve a president who understands that on the most personal level what they have gone through -- what they have given and what they have given up for their country.

To us, the real test of patriotism is how we treat the men and women who put their lives on the line every day to defend our values. And let me tell you, the 26 million veterans in this country won't have to wonder if they'll have health care next week or next year -- they will have it always because they took care of us and we will take care of them.

But today, our great United States military is stretched thin. More than 140,000 are in Iraq. Nearly 20,000 are serving in Afghanistan. And I visited the men and women there and we're praying for them as they keep working to give that country hope.

Like all of those brave men and women, John put his life on the line for our country. He knows that when authority is given to the president, much is expected in return. That's why we will strengthen and modernize our military.

We will double our Special Forces, and invest in the new equipment and technologies so that our military remains the best equipped and best trained in the world. This will make our military stronger so we're able to defeat every enemy in this new world.

But we can't do this alone. We have to restore our respect in the world to bring our allies to us and with us. It's how we won the World Wars and the Cold War and it is how we will build a stable Iraq.

With a new president who strengthens and leads our alliances, we can get NATO to help secure Iraq. We can ensure that Iraq's neighbors like Syria and Iran, don't stand in the way of a democratic Iraq. We can help Iraq's economy by getting other countries to forgive their enormous debt and participate in the reconstruction. We can do this for the Iraqi people and our soldiers. And we will get this done right.

A new president will bring the world to our side, and with it -- a stable Iraq and a real chance for peace and freedom in the Middle East, including a safe and secure Israel. And John and I will bring the world together to face our most dangerous threat: the possibility of terrorists getting their hands on a nuclear, chemical or biological weapon.

With our credibility restored, we can work with other nations to secure stockpiles of the world's most dangerous weapons and safeguard this dangerous material. We can finish the job and secure all loose nukes in Russia. And we can close the loophole in the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty that allows rogue nations access to the tools they need to develop these weapons.

That's how we can address the new threats we face. That's how we can keep you safe. That's how we can restore America's respect around the world.

And together, we will ensure that the image of America -- the image all of us love -- America this great shining light, this beacon of freedom, democracy, and human rights that the world looks up to -- that that beacon is always lit.

The truth is every child, every family in America will be safer and more secure if you grow up in a world where America is once again looked up to and respected. That's the world we can create together.

Tonight, as we celebrate in this hall, somewhere in America, a mother sits at the kitchen table. She can't sleep. She's worried because she can't pay her bills. She's working hard to pay the rent and feed her kids. She's doing everything right, but she still can't get ahead.

It didn't use to be that way in her house. Her husband was called up in the Guard and he's been serving in Iraq for more than a year. She thought he'd be home last month, but now he's got to stay longer.

She thinks she's alone. But tonight in this hall and in your homes -- you know what? She's got a lot of friends. We want her to know that we hear her. And it's time to bring opportunity and an equal chance to her door.

We're here to make America stronger at home so she can get ahead. And we're here to make America respected in the world so that we can bring him home and American soldiers don't have to fight the war in Iraq and the war on terror alone.

So when you return home, you might pass a mother on her way to work the late-shift -- you tell her... hope is on the way.

When your brother calls and says that he's working all the time at the office and still can't get ahead -- you tell him... hope is on the way.

When your parents call and tell you their medical bills are through the roof -- you tell them ...hope is on the way.

When your neighbor calls you and says that her daughter has worked hard and wants to go to college -- you tell her... hope is on the way.

When you talk to your son or daughter who is serving this country and protecting our freedoms in Iraq -- you tell them...hope is on the way.

And when you wake up and sit with your kids at the kitchen table, talking to them about the great possibilities in America, you make sure that they know that John and I believe at our core that tomorrow can be better than today.

Like all of us, I have learned a lot of lessons in my life. Two of the most important are that first, there will always be heartache and struggle -- you can't make it go away. But the other is that people of good and strong will, can make a difference. One lesson is a sad lesson and the other's inspiring. We are Americans and we choose to be inspired.

We choose hope over despair; possibilities over problems; optimism over cynicism. We choose to do what's right even when those around us say, "You can't do that." We choose to be inspired because we know that we can do better -- because this is America where everything is still possible.

What we believe -- what John Kerry and I believe -- is that you should never look down on anybody, that we should lift people up. We don't believe in tearing people apart. We believe in bringing people together. What we believe -- what I believe -- is that the family you're born into and the color of your skin in our America should never control your destiny.

Join us in this cause. Let's make America stronger at home and respected in the world. Let's ensure that once again, in our one America -- our one America -- tomorrow will always be better than today.

Thank you and God bless you.

Sgt Schultz
07-29-2004, 09:47 AM
The Sound and Fury of John Edwards
The next Huey Long? He artfully reprises Disraeli’s Two Nations and William Jennings Bryan’s “Cross of Gold.”

By Michael Knox Beran

"The truth is," Senator Edwards told the Democratic Convention in Boston Wednesday night, "we still live in two different Americas." As he said this, a sudden flush of rosy light, falling upon his youthful face, indicated that the sun had just fallen; and through a vacant arch that overlooked the hall, alone in the resplendent sky, glittered the twilight star — no, sorry, that's book two, chapter five, of Benjamin Disraeli's 1845 novel, Sybil, or the Two Nations. In it Dizzy describes how the scales fall from the eye of the young hero, Egremont, when he for the first time sees the social and economic Light. Egremont is musing over the ruins of an English abbey when he encounters two strangers with Chartist (radical) sympathies. When Egremont tells them that, "say what you like, our Queen reigns over the greatest nation that ever existed," the younger of the two strangers responds,

"Which nation?...for she reigns over two."
The stranger paused; Egremont was silent, but looked inquiringly.

"Yes," resumed the younger stranger after a moment's interval. "Two nations; between whom there is no intercourse and no sympathy; who are as ignorant of each other's habits, thoughts, and feelings, as if they were dwellers in different zones, or inhabitants of different planets; who are formed by different breeding, are fed by a different food, are ordered by different manners, and are not governed by the same laws."

"You speak of — " said Egremont, hesitatingly.

"THE RICH AND THE POOR."


The last time an American politician — Richard Nixon, egged on by Pat Moynihan — reprised Disraeli, we got wage and price controls and a plan for a guaranteed minimum income. Now Senator Edwards wants to play with the fire that singed the Clintons a decade ago: He sings of bringing the glories of a command economy to American medicine.

No, Senator Edwards, America is not a feudal state in which a few robber barons exploit the helpless serfs. The Democrats were supposed to have broken with this way of thinking ten years ago. They were supposed to have rejected Kevin Phillips's jeremiads extolling class warfare, rejected the belief that America is filled with little people so weak and despondent that only the government and a platoon of trial lawyers can save them. Bill Clinton might not have mastered Hayek and von Mises; but he was at least supposed to have wiped away the 19th-century dust under which his party lay buried and cleared an intellectual atmosphere that had become as stale as the air in Karl Marx's study. He was supposed to have purged the Democratic party of the paternalist thinking that Disraeli advocated in Sybil — thinking that led, in the 20th century, to the creation of so many out-of-control nanny states. The new generation of Democrats, we were told, was at last ready to say goodbye to Michael Harrington, was ready to exchange LBJ's vision of a Great Society for Abraham Lincoln's vision of a free one.

But now comes Senator Edwards, sunnily voicing the arguments of the 19th-century Massachusetts Brahmin George Bancroft, a dinosaur who argued that the "feud between the CAPITALIST and the LABORER, the HOUSE OF HAVE and the HOUSE OF WANT, is as old as the social union, and can never be entirely quieted." To which Lincoln replied:

“What is the true condition of the laborer? I take it that it is best to leave each man free to acquire property as fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don't believe in a law to prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than good [a profound insight; out of it Friedrich Hayek, a century later, spun a classic book, The Constitution of Liberty]. So while we don't propose any war upon capital, we do wish to allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with anybody else. When one starts poor, as most do in the race of life, free society is such that he knows he can better his condition; he knows that there is no fixed condition of labor for his whole life. . . . I want every man to have a chance — and I believe a black man is entitled to it — in which he can better his condition — when he can look forward and hope to be a hired laborer this year and the next, work for himself afterwards, and finally to hire men to work for him. That is the true system.”

John Edwards didn't get that memo. What Lincoln called the "true system" — a "free society" — Senator Edwards professes to regard as broken, and he advocates — what else? — a less free system directed from Washington.

Does Senator Edwards really believe what he is saying? Fortunately for the country he probably doesn't. Edwards is a trial lawyer who mastered the southern camp-revival style of preaching in order to win over juries. I saw a clip of him the other day on a platform actually swaying, or rocking, on his feet, before he began to speak — working himself up to the rhythm of the revival, readying himself to convert the souls of poor-folk and consign the rich to hellfire. The revivalist's enthusiasm may be genuine, but don't hold him to his actual words. The Civil War diarist Mary Chesnut — herself, like Edwards, a native of South Carolina — observed that at the fever pitch of his trance the evangelical preacher does not know or care what he says. Yes, the preacher becomes "wildly excited," his voice "strangely clear and musical, occasionally in a plaintive minor key that went to your heart." "Sometimes it rung like a trumpet. I wept bitterly." But, she concluded, it "was all sound...and emotional pathos. There was literally nothing in what he said. The words had no meaning it all. It was the devotional passion of voice and manner that was so magnetic." That's John Edwards — sweet I'll-save-your-soul talk masking the intellectual aridity of a personal-injury lawyer's approach to life.

The last American politician to have mastered the oratory of the revival and the camp meeting as thoroughly as Edwards was William Jennings Bryan. At the 1896 Democratic Convention even skeptics were caught up in the fervor Bryan's "Cross of Gold" speech. Richard Hofstadter recounted how one of the Gold Democrats, who had been sneering at Bryan, "lost control of himself" during the peroration. He grabbed hold of a fellow Democrat: "Yell, for God's sake, yell!" he shouted as Bryan thundered his crescendo, "You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold."

Bryan didn't understand the inflationary implications of his free-silver policy; he simply wanted the government to print more money to help poor struggling farmers. "I don't know anything about free silver," he admitted in 1892. "The people of Nebraska are for free silver and I am for free silver. I will look up the arguments later." Edwards is more subtle and intelligent than Bryan; but his rhetoric is as vapid. He senses what the jury wants to hear; he'll look up the arguments later, get some junior lawyer in the office to hunt up a few likely precedents. He doesn't really want to crucify the rich on a cross of gold, but the idea makes for a good speech; it's the song that counts for Edwards, not the substance. Still, the glint in his eye is not reassuring. The politician who rejoices in his mastery is the most dangerous kind; and watching Edwards speak I was uneasily reminded of Huey Long.

Two questions. 1) Will the Republicans find some way to call Edwards out on his-ever-so-genial revival of the rhetoric of class warfare — rhetoric which Clinton himself, the most politically astute of the modern Democrats, long ago rejected as not helpful to his party? 2) Will the media, who love to carp about Bush's injection of his religious sensibility into public debates, call Edwards out on his own use, on the public stage, of every phony trick in Elmer Gantry's book of mountebankery?

— Michael Knox Beran is the author of Jefferson's Demons: Portrait of a Restless Mind and The Last Patrician: Bobby Kennedy and the End of American Aristocracy.

Sgt Schultz
07-29-2004, 09:55 AM
John the Platitudinous
He left no focus-grouped word behind.
By Rich Lowry

Boston, Mass. — The Democrats so far have offered three big heavy-hitters this week, Clinton, Obama, and now Edwards. Of the three, Edwards turned in the poorest performance. That seems a little surprising, but maybe it shouldn't.

An Edwards speech is a little like cotton candy if you are a kid at the circus or at a ballgame — it looks good, but then you are shocked at how it melts away into nothing when you take a bite, and by the end you are left unsatisified. Like Edwards the politician, this speech lacked depth. He's a campaign parrot who learned a few good lines during his primary run and repeated them last night in a cut-and-paste job of his greatest hits. And this is the guy from whom John Kerry is borrowing his message!

Yes, every politician will regurgitate his share of platitudes and vacuities. But at times Edwards seemed merely to be piling up nice words for their own sake: faith, family, responsibility, opportunity, decisive, strong, values, safe, stronger, respected. You go, John — don't leave any focus-grouped word behind.

Much of the speech was near impossible to disagree with. Edwards opposes "negative attacks," and he really, really opposes "the tired, old, hateful, negative politics of the past." People all over the country who support "the tired, old, hateful, negative politics of the past" probably threw their remotes at the TV screen at that moment. As for Edwards, he's in favor of a "positive, optimistic vision." He supports a "public-school system that works for all our children," and wants children to have "a safe place to go after school." He values "hard work" and — going out on a limb — is willing to talk about racial equality "everywhere" in America. Because he believes "the color of your skin in our America should never control your destiny."

As for foreign policy, his over-arching strategic objective is to "bring the world together."

When Edwards was not belaboring the mundane, he lurched into the ridiculous: his "two Americas" theme. The Democrats are supposed to be all about the middle class and "the middle-class squeeze" this year, but the middle class disappears in the Edwards vision — it's just the one super-rich America and the America that is oppressed and yearning to be freed from its economic chains. This is all trope and very little reality. Yes, people struggle, but they do it in the context of a country that is remarkably fluid and rewards effort and aspiration of all kinds.

Maybe Edwards forgets that one of his own platitudes is "This is America where everything is still possible."

His arguments for Kerry's strengths as a leader were mostly biography. I just don't get how this is supposed to work.

If you chase down a Viet Cong and kill him — which is, granted, very admirable — does that ipso facto qualify you to be president of the United States? If so, let's find a guy who killed more Viet Cong than John Kerry, since he would be an even better president. All of this is very odd coming from a political party that in 1992 made presidential politics safe for Vietnam draft avoiders.

Near the end of his speech he invoked a fictional mother who has all the attributes that are just right for the Democratic message, lonely, working hard to pay her bills, husband in Iraq with the National Guard, etc. This poor woman was just a composite set-up for what was supposed to be his wow-the-jury line: "Tonight she's got a lot of friends." But this line didn't come off quite as spectacularly as one would have expected. Maybe, just maybe, John Edwards let a little too much of his contrivance show.

ELVIS
07-29-2004, 09:56 AM
Edwards is a piece of shit trial lawyer...

The end

Warham
07-29-2004, 10:12 AM
"And we will have one clear unmistakable message for al Qaida and the rest of these terrorists. You cannot run. You cannot hide. And we will destroy you."

Is he copying Bush word for word here?

FORD
07-29-2004, 10:31 AM
Originally posted by Warham
"And we will have one clear unmistakable message for al Qaida and the rest of these terrorists. You cannot run. You cannot hide. And we will destroy you."

Is he copying Bush word for word here?

Nope. Because Bush doesn't care about his business partners in AlQaeda. He's only out to overthrow all the governments in the Middle East that the PNAC'ers tell him to.

Warham
07-29-2004, 10:36 AM
Some of those governments need to be overthrown. Should have done that in '91. Only mistake his father made in '91. Stopped short of true victory. That's what makes me believe there's no conspiracy. Bush had the full backing of the country to wipe Hussein's ass out then, and stopped short.

JCOOK
07-29-2004, 10:43 AM
In 91 the libs were crying that Bush1 wouldnt' stop at running Iraq out of Kuwait. I remember quite well that they were afraid we were gonna go all the way to Bahgdad.

Sgt Schultz
07-29-2004, 05:14 PM
http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v395/thorphalanx/edwards_douche.gif

FORD
07-29-2004, 05:21 PM
Just in case you missed this quotation in my signature....

To occupy Iraq would instantly shatter our coalition, turning the whole Arab world against us and make a broken tyrant into a latter-day hero ... assigning young soldiers to a fruitless hunt for a securely entrenched dictator and condemning them to fight in what would be an un-winnable urban guerilla war. It could only plunge that part of the world into even greater instability. -George H.W. Bush Sr, 1998

Poppy's a bastard. But unlike his son, he's an intelligent bastard.