Crooked Republicans Steal From Indian Givers

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  • Nickdfresh
    SUPER MODERATOR

    • Oct 2004
    • 49390

    Crooked Republicans Steal From Indian Givers

    Posted 4/11/2005 9:20 PM
    Unfolding scandal tears at tribe with leading role
    By Jill Lawrence,

    USA TODAY
    KINDER, La. — The Coushatta Grand Hotel and Casino Resort rises out of the marshy flatlands here like a misshapen, fluorescent-lit schooner in an ocean of parked cars. Along with riches, it has visited upon its namesake Indian tribe a leading role in a scandal unfolding nearly 1,300 miles away.

    The Louisiana Coushatta tribe has about 800 members. The casino brings in $300 million a year. And in less than three years, the tribe paid $32 million to two Washington, D.C., insiders who are now being investigated by two Senate committees, the Justice Department, the FBI, the IRS and the Interior Department. The probes involve suspicions of fraud, money laundering and other crimes.

    Members of the Senate Indian Affairs Committee and the panel's investigators say lobbyist Jack Abramoff and public relations consultant Michael Scanlon received $82 million from a dozen tribes with gambling interests. Last year, then-chairman Ben Nighthorse Campbell, R-Colo., and Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., who is now chairman, called Abramoff's and Scanlon's actions a way to exploit Indians' new wealth and the pair's ties to powerful figures such as House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, R-Texas. Following the pair's instructions, the tribes also gave millions to political figures and groups, according to documents from the Indian Affairs investigation released by the committee.

    The tribes were looking for higher visibility in Washington and more money from the federal government. They also wanted permission to run casinos and protection from potential competitors. So they hired Scanlon, a former top aide to DeLay, and Abramoff, a longtime DeLay associate and fundraiser.

    Even in Washington, a city steeped in lobbying and debate over how much influence lobbyists do and should have, this case stands out. As the Indian Affairs Committee prepares to resume hearings this spring, unusual aspects of the case so far include: the huge profits Scanlon and Abramoff pocketed ($21 million apiece, according to the committee); the inexperience of the tribal clients; the names Abramoff and Scanlon called their clients in e-mails released by the committee ("monkeys," "morons," "losers" and "troglodytes"); and committee documents that suggest money laundering, fraud and other possible crimes

    "Legislation is being marinated in money, and access is being marinated in money," says Marshall Wittmann, a senior fellow at the Democratic Leadership Council and a former aide to McCain. "It's inevitable that the lines were going to be crossed and then blurred and then obliterated."

    As casino profits transform Indian economies, "there's been a hovering by enterprising people who would like to represent tribes," says Campbell, a Northern Cheyenne. "Where the hell were you when we were poor?"

    A tribe divided

    Here in southwestern Louisiana, the results of mixing money, naiveté and greed are on display. Coushatta leaders who raised questions about Abramoff and Scanlon, including successive secretary-treasurers Bertney Langley and Harold John, are arrayed against other leaders who authorized millions for unspecified services, including tribal chairman Lovelin Poncho. The fallout includes disputed recall efforts and resignations, alleged retaliatory firings and a continuing cash drain — this time to lawyers hired by tribe members ensnared in the controversy.

    Several miles from the Coushatta casino, past catfish farms and fields of grazing cows and horses, is what amounts to downtown on the reservation. The 10 red-roofed buildings in Elton include a new gym and a medical clinic. The tribe operates a golf resort, a millworks and a horse ranch along with the casino, its cash cow. Four times a year, tribe members get checks, their share of the profits.

    The tribe hired Abramoff and Scanlon to negotiate a gambling contract with the state. The two also were assigned to stave off bids by other tribes to get into gaming. Roy Fletcher, a spokesman for Poncho, says they also promised to prevent a new private casino nearby.

    Abramoff and Scanlon enlisted prominent Republicans in and out of Congress to help the Coushatta. Two casino bids by competing tribes were thwarted. But the $365 million private casino is opening next month.

    The pair held out promises of audiences with President Bush, Interior Secretary Gale Norton and members of Congress in exchange for contributions to groups and individuals, the Senate documents say. At one point, the tribe wrote a $185,000 check designated for an Abramoff "sports suite," or skybox, that some tribe leaders assumed would allow them to meet with influential people at games in and around Washington. But they never hosted anything or met with lawmakers, Langley says.

    The millions the tribe paid for "professional services" and contributions offer glimpses of the capital's money culture. The documents show the Coushattas contributed $3.7 million from 2001 to 2003 to the American International Center (AIC), a think tank in Rehoboth Beach, a Delaware resort town. But mainly it was a cash conduit to Abramoff and others.

    From May 2000 to May 2001, the Senate documents show, AIC checks for nearly $2 million went to consulting firm Century Strategies, owned by Ralph Reed, a former Christian Coalition leader and Bush campaign official now running for Georgia lieutenant governor.

    Documents show direct Coushatta contributions went to, among others, anti-tax activist Grover Norquist's Americans for Tax Reform ($25,000), DeLay's political committees (at least $45,000) and a business-oriented environmental group run by a former aide to Norton ($100,000).

    The tribe also paid Scanlon more than a half-million dollars to spy on rivals trying to get into gambling and Coushattas suspected of sharing information. One was former council member Langley.

    "I was even further outside the information and decision-making loop than I thought, since I certainly never approved" his own surveillance, Langley told McCain last year. "I would never try to betray my own tribe," he said in an interview.

    Before he left in mid-2003, tribal controller Erick LaRocque sounded an alarm. The tribe had paid $32 million from 2001 to 2003 for "lobbying" expenses, he wrote in a memo to Langley; $24 million came from funds designated for health, housing and education. There was no plan to reimburse those funds, nor was there any money to do so.

    Rift on the council

    Several current and former members of the five-person tribal council say they tried to stop the spending but were thwarted by a three-member majority. "They were doing everything behind our backs," member Harold John says.

    David Sickey, a young reformer elected in 2003, says the Washington pair's financial activities and name-calling were "pretty upsetting to me." But he reserves his harshest judgment for the three council members who kept paying and defending them.

    "We have to make every attempt to show ... that tribes are capable of governing themselves," Sickey says. "These three individuals are not helping the cause."

    The trio — Poncho, William Worfel and Leonard Battise — did not return calls for comment. Their attorney, David Pore, said they "absolutely" were misled by Abramoff and Scanlon. Asked why they didn't demand detailed invoices of what the tribe was getting for its money, Pore replied, "The level of sophistication was not there at that time. They've come a long way."

    Poncho and Worfel praised Scanlon and Abramoff for nearly a year after the LaRocque memo. But in November, the tribe sued the Washington pair for the $32 million plus damages. The lawsuit alleges fraud and other wrongdoing.

    Abbe Lowell, Abramoff's lawyer, said Abramoff "provided great results for the fees that were paid." Stephen Braga, Scanlon's attorney, calls the allegations "unfounded."

    Local tensions continue as the legal battles play out. Poncho and Worfel resigned at a meeting of more than 100 tribe members last year. Then they rescinded their resignations. Then they and Battise fired a tribal elections official who was handling recall petitions.

    The fired elections official is council member John's sister. And Battise is married to Langley's sister. "We all get together," Langley says. "But we don't talk politics."

    Hmmm...I though the GOP was going to clean up the corruption in Washington. "Meet the new boss, same as the old boss." --The Who (Or even worse.)

    "Some heads are gonna' role." --Judas Priest
  • Nickdfresh
    SUPER MODERATOR

    • Oct 2004
    • 49390

    #2
    Close one, take your pick. Sooorrry.:D

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    • Nickdfresh
      SUPER MODERATOR

      • Oct 2004
      • 49390

      #3
      Panel Says Abramoff Laundered Tribal Funds
      McCain Cites Possible Fraud by Lobbyist


      By Susan Schmidt and James V. Grimaldi
      Washington Post Staff Writers
      Thursday, June 23, 2005; Page A01

      Lobbyist Jack Abramoff used money from a Mississippi tribal client to set up bogus Christian anti-gambling groups and to fund pet projects including gear for a "sniper school" in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, according to documents released yesterday by Senate investigators.

      The revelations came in e-mails and testimony made public yesterday by the Senate Indian Affairs Committee at its third hearing on the activities of Abramoff and Michael Scanlon, a public relations executive and former spokesman for House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Tex.).

      Abramoff, who is also at the center of a corruption investigation by the Justice Department, laundered tribal money by directing the Indians to donate to tax-exempt groups that the lobbyist later used for his own purposes, the Senate committee said. One project involved Abramoff's effort to arrange for military equipment, including night-vision goggles and a "jeep," for the sniper training conducted by a high school friend.

      Aaron Stetter, a former Scanlon employee, testified that Scanlon and Abramoff sought to whip up opposition to casinos proposed by rival tribes by setting up bogus Christian phone banks. He said callers would identify themselves as members of groups such as the Christian Research Network or Global Christian Outreach Network and urge voters to contact their representatives.

      Material released yesterday also appeared to undermine assertions by former Christian Coalition executive director Ralph Reed, now a candidate for Georgia lieutenant governor.

      Reed has acknowledged receiving $4 million from Abramoff and Scanlon to run anti-gambling campaigns in the South. Reed has said he did not know where the funds were coming from, but e-mails suggest that he was aware that some of the money he was getting came from the casino-rich Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians.

      Other e-mails presented at the hearing -- obtained from Abramoff's former law firm, Greenberg Traurig LLP -- showed that Abramoff and his lobbying team discussed how they would "pump up" their bills and expense accounts to the Choctaws by tens of thousands of dollars a month, raising new questions about the law firm's failure to rein in the lobbyists.

      The committee chairman, Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), said investigators had uncovered possible mail and wire fraud that should be pursued by the Justice Department, as well as tax issues that would be of concern to the Internal Revenue Service. The Justice Department already is looking into more than $82 million in lobbying and public relations fees Abramoff and Scanlon received from tribes around the country.

      Choctaw Chief Phillip Martin did not testify, but he said in a statement that "we were astounded that a senior director at a major law firm would or could engage in misconduct of this sort . . . and that he was able to get away with it for so long."

      Donald Kilgore, attorney general of the Choctaw tribe, said the firm's lobbyists engaged in "a blatant, calculated scheme to defraud a client." He said records and e-mails the tribe has reviewed show a series of kickbacks, misappropriated funds and unauthorized charges. "Mr. Abramoff consistently directed that the bills be padded and pumped up," Kilgore said.

      Greenberg spokeswoman Jill Perry said that when the firm learned of Abramoff's activities more than a year ago, it demanded his resignation. "We share others' outrage at this misconduct, which is antithetical to our firm's culture and values," Perry said.

      A spokesman for Abramoff said that "any fair reading of Mr. Abramoff's career" would show that he was an effective lobbyist for his clients.

      "Mr. Abramoff is put into the impossible position of not being able to defend himself in the public arena until the proper authorities have had a chance to review all accusations," said the spokesman, Andrew Blum.

      Three former associates of Abramoff and Scanlon who were summoned to testify declined to do so, citing their Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination. They included former Greenberg lobbyist Kevin Ring, who continues to represent the Choctaw tribe as a lobbyist, and Shawn Vasell, who like Ring was a congressional aide before joining Abramoff's lobbying team.

      A third former associate, Brian Mann, was a director of the American International Center, a foundation set up by Scanlon in Rehoboth Beach, Del. Money from tribes and other clients passed through the AIC and was paid to Reed as well as to Abramoff and Greenberg Traurig.

      Mann, a yoga instructor, was a director of the AIC, along with former lifeguard Brian Grosh, a longtime beach buddy of Scanlon's. The AIC described itself on its Web site as "a premiere international think tank," that was "determined to influence global paradigms in an increasingly complex world."

      Grosh told the panel that Scanlon asked him to serve as a director of the AIC and paid him $2,500. "I'm embarrassed and disgusted to be part of this whole thing," he testified, saying he did not know much about the AIC's financial activities.

      Asked about the e-mails released yesterday, Reed reiterated in an interview that the money he received for his anti-gambling activities did not come from gambling proceeds. He said that he has always acknowledged receiving money from the Choctaws but asked the tribe to assure him that the funds sent to him would not come from the casino.

      "The assurance I sought was that the money did not come from gambling activity," Reed said. "And that assurance was honored."

      In September, however, Reed's office provided a different explanation. "We knew that Greenberg Traurig was recruiting coalition members [for the anti-gambling effort] and raising funds as well, but we had no direct knowledge of their clients or interests," the office said in a statement. "At no time were we retained by nor did we represent any casino or casino company."

      E-mails released yesterday indicated that Reed did know the name of the client. OnApril 4, 1999, Abramoff told Reed to put together a cost plan for the campaign, "including a total budget figure with category breakdowns." He added: "Once I get this I will call Nell at Choctaw and get it approved."

      In subsequent e-mails, Abramoff and Reed discuss how Reed would be reimbursed by the Choctaws through Abramoff's firm, and Americans for Tax Reform, a group founded by conservative activist Grover Norquist.

      Yesterday, Reed's office said his comments yesterday and the September statement were not inconsistent.

      The "Nell" referred to in the April 4 e-mail is Nell Rogers, who had been the Choctaws' main contact with Abramoff. Called to testify yesterday, she told the committee the tribe knew that Abramoff and Scanlon were using "intermediaries" such as the American International Center to pay for the anti-gambling campaigns.

      "I am sure there probably were concerns -- or public perception concerns -- about some of the recipients, about not being associated with a tribe or with a gaming tribe," she said.

      Abramoff, Norquist and Reed have been political allies since their days as leaders of the College Republicans. Reed and Abramoff appear to have set up a business arrangement as Reed wound down from the 1998 election cycle. Responding to a query from Abramoff about how candidates he supported had done, Reed wrote: "Hey, now that I'm done with the electoral politics, I need to start humping in corporate accounts! I'm counting on you to help me with some contacts."

      The Choctaws, the richest and most successful gambling tribe in the country, initially defended Abramoff when his activities first drew scrutiny over a year ago. But they began cooperating with government investigators last summer after being told by Greenberg Traurig that its internal investigation had found fraud in the lobbyist's work for the tribe.

      Yesterday, McCain said the committee had found that Abramoff and Scanlon had pocketed $6.5 million of the $7.7 million in consulting fees they received from the Choctaws. McCain said that Abramoff had directed the Choctaws to hire Scanlon for consulting work, but never revealed to the tribe that they had a secret partnership, which they called "gimme five," according to the e-mails.

      Whenever Scanlon pitched his services to a client, Abramoff would remind him of their extra profits. On Aug. 16, 2001, Abramoff wrote to Scanlon, "Don't forget the gimme five aspects." On Oct. 17, 2001, Abramoff wrote, "So there is more gimme five coming on all these as well, right?"

      Said Sen. Byron L. Dorgan (D-N.D.): " 'Gimme five' means 'I'll take a cut of this.' " "I'm past anger and bitterness," Rogers, the Choctaw official who had worked most closely with Abramoff, told the committee. "It is an extraordinary story of betrayal."

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